Péter Magyar isn't wasting any time. Just weeks after his center-right Tisza party pulled off a stunning landslide victory in the April 2026 elections, the newly minted Hungarian Prime Minister is picking a fight with the highest offices in the land. The ultimate target? President Tamás Sulyok.
Magyar issued an ultimatum demanding Sulyok step down by May 31. That deadline came and went. Sulyok didn't budge. Now, Magyar is moving to plan B, threatening to tear up the rulebook to clean house. It's a bold move, but it's also a massive legal gamble that could shake Hungary's constitutional foundations.
The Standoff at Sándor Palace
On Monday, Magyar stood outside the presidential Sándor Palace and made his intentions clear. If the president won't resign, the government will launch legal proceedings to kick him out. Magyar calls Sulyok and other entrenched officials "Orbán puppets" who helped dismantle democracy during Viktor Orbán’s 16-year rule.
Sulyok, a former constitutional court judge elected by Orbán’s Fidesz party in early 2024, is digging in his heels. He dismissed the calls for his resignation as "politically motivated" and "constitutionally irrelevant." Under current Hungarian law, he's technically right. The constitution doesn't have a clause for kicking a president out just because the government changed. Sulyok’s term runs until 2029, and he plans to see it through.
But Magyar has a secret weapon. Tisza won a two-thirds parliamentary supermajority in April. That means Magyar doesn't just pass laws; he can rewrite the constitution itself.
The Strategy to Unseat the Old Guard
Magyar announced that his party will introduce constitutional amendments within days. The legislative process will take about a month. The goal isn't just to unseat Sulyok, but to clear out a whole network of Orbán loyalists holding long-term contracts across the state apparatus.
We're talking about the Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court, the head of the State Audit Office, the media regulator, and Chief Prosecutor Péter Polt. Orbán spent over a decade stacking these institutions with allies to ensure his influence would survive even if he lost an election. Magyar wants them gone.
There's one notable exception. Magyar has promised to keep central bank governor Mihály Varga in office. Why? Because central bank independence is vital for keeping the financial markets calm. Magyar met with Varga on Monday to map out economic strategy, proving he's willing to play ball when the economy is on the line.
What This Means for Europe and the Billions in Limbo
This isn't just domestic drama. The European Union has been watching Hungary closely for years. Brussels froze over €16 billion in funds due to concerns over corruption and the erosion of the rule of law under Orbán. Magyar’s entire campaign promised to bring that money home.
Sulyok has offered a strange sort of compromise. He won't resign, but he promised not to block the urgent laws needed to unlock those EU funds. He even mentioned consulting the Venice Commission, the Council of Europe's advisory body on constitutional matters, to get an outside opinion on Magyar's moves.
If Sulyok decides to slow things down by sending new bills to the Constitutional Court for review, it could delay the cash injection Hungary desperately needs. Magyar isn't worried. He pointed out that if the president is removed or suspended, the speaker of parliament can step in to sign legislation.
The Risk of Fighting Fire with Fire
You can't blame Magyar for wanting a fresh start. Trying to govern a country when the judiciary, the prosecutors, and the presidency are all loyal to your political rival is a recipe for gridlock.
But rewriting the constitution to fire your opponents sets a shaky precedent. Critics argue that using a supermajority to purge state institutions looks remarkably like the tactics Orbán used to build his "illiberal state" in the first place. If every new government simply rewrites the fundamental law to suit its needs, stability goes out the window.
Magyar insists this isn't personal. He claims the amendments are meant to restore democracy, not punish individuals. He's even floated the idea of moving to a system where the president is elected directly by the people, which would give the office a genuine democratic mandate.
The next four weeks will decide the trajectory of Hungary's post-Orbán era. If Magyar successfully pushes these amendments through, he will hold unprecedented control over the state. If the legal challenges drag on, Hungary could face a prolonged constitutional crisis that spooks investors and complicates its relationship with the EU.
To watch how this unfolds, keep an eye on the upcoming parliamentary sessions in Budapest. The draft legislation will hit the floor this week, and the real political fireworks are about to begin.
